Men’s EHF EURO 2020 referees’ list

first_imgShareTweetShareShareEmail New attendance record at EHF EURO – 500.000 fans in arenas Recommended for you Vranjes before Norway: How to motivate players? They play for medal… ROAD TO Men’s EHF EURO 2020: Three host wins, draw in Minsk Related Items:Men’s EHF EURO 2020 Leave a Reply Cancel replyYour email address will not be published.Comment Name Email Website Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. Click to comment ShareTweetShareShareEmailCommentsThe European Handball Federation has announced referees’ pairs for the upcoming Men’s EHF EURO 2020 which will be held between January 10 and 26 in three countries Austria, Sweden and Norway with 24 teams.The Preliminary Round will be covered by 18 pairs afterwards only 7 will stay alonsgide 5 TOP pairs which will join the tournament in Main Round.Referees nominated for the Men’s EHF EURO 2020Preliminary Round * 11 referee pairs leaving the tournament after the completion of the preliminary roundAUT – Brkic Radojko / Jusufhodzic Andrei CRO – Jurinovic Dalibor / Mrvica Marko DEN – Kirkholm Madsen Jesper / Mortensen Henrik ESP – Marin Andreu / Garcia Serradilla IgnacioFRA – Bonaventura Charlotte / Bonaventura Julie GER – Schulze Robert / Tönnies Tobias ISL – Eliasson Jonas / Palsson AntonNOR – Jorum Lars / Kleven HavardSLO – Lah Bojan / Sok DavidSRB – Nikolic Nenad / Stojkovic DusanSVK – Badura Michal / Ondogrecula JaroslavPreliminary Round and Main Round* seven referee pairs covering both preliminary and main roundsCZE – Horacek Vaclav / Novotny Jiri LTU – Mazeika Vaidas / Gatelis MindaugasMKD – Nikolov Slave / Nachevski GjorgjiMNE – Pavicevic Ivan / Raznatovic MilosPOR – Santos Duarte / Fonseca RicardoSUI – Brunner Arthur / Salah MoradSWE – Kurtagic Mirza / Wetterwik MattiasMain Round * five additional referee pairs joining the championship from the main roundCRO – Gubica Matija / Milosevic BorisDEN – Gjeding Martin / Hansen MadsESP – Raluy Lopez Oscar / Sabroso Ramirez AngelFRA – Pichon Stevann / Reveret Laurent GER – Geipel Lars / Helbig Marcus Final Weekend* five referee pairs for the final matches to be nominated during the championship, seven remaining referee pairs will leave the championshiplast_img read more

War by other means

first_img“If democracy cannot deliver stable government, given our history that’s not a good place to be.”Peter Geoghegan is a writer and journalist based in Glasgow. His latest book “The People’s Referendum: Why Scotland Will Never Be The Same Again” was published in 2015 by Luath Press. On the other side of the sectarian divide, republican paramilitaries provided a “guard of honor” at a recent funeral in Derry. Claims of IRA involvement in the McGuigan killing have focused attention on the continuing existence of paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. “Paramilitaries are still active in the community,” says Phil Hamilton, a community worker in Rathcoole, a huge Belfast housing estate where loyalist gunmen still look down menacingly from gable end murals.“A return to the conflict isn’t on the radar but other people are filling the political vacuum,” says John Loughran, a Sinn Féin member who works with former prisoners from both sides of the conflict in North Belfast. The area is among the most economically deprived in the whole of the U.K.Gridlock in Stormont is fuelling a wider sense of disillusionment with politics. In May’s general election, Northern Ireland registered the lowest turnout in the U.K.“The good and proper institutions built into the Belfast Agreement are increasingly the very structures that are disenchanting the electorate,” says Norman Hamilton, a Presbyterian minister and member of the Community Relations Council. “This dissatisfaction is deep. We are tired of crisis.”I meet Hamilton in a bright, airy shopping arcade in Belfast city center. The building was opened by then British Secretary of State Patrick Mayhew in 1992, an early sign of growing confidence that peace was finally coming to restive Northern Ireland.More than 20 years later there is no sign of a return to the violence of the past. But even if Stormont survives the latest emergency, executive paralysis is eroding faith in the political process, warns Hamilton.  * * *This July marked the 10th anniversary of arguably the most important step in Northern Ireland’s road to peace — the decommissioning of the Provisional IRA’s huge stockpile of weapons. The republicans’ long campaign, which cost more than 1,800 lives, was supposedly over.The cessation of widespread violence has not, however, meant the end of hostilities between nationalists and unionists. In Northern Ireland, von Clausewitz’s famous maxim is turned on its head: here, politics is war by other means. Clashes over putatively minor issues such as the Irish language provision and the routes for pro-union Orange Order parades are common.“The Good Friday Agreement managed the end of the conflict. It didn’t give us a blueprint for normal politics,” says Jonny Byrne, lecturer in criminology at the University of Ulster. The past remains deeply contested by all sides. Politicians “have never resolved the fundamentals of the conflict,” says Byrne.Northern Irish politics is characterized by “an inability to accept losses and gains through normal political mechanics.” Instead politicians of all stripes blame the British or Irish governments for failing to provide resources or solutions to local problems.The drive for consensus in the peace process also begot a system prone to cronyism. Police are investigating claims that a Belfast law firm held £7 million (€9.6 million) in an offshore bank account for a local politician in a major property sale. British Secretary of State Theresa Villiers has been more circumspect, commenting that the continuing existence of the IRA “didn’t come as much of a surprise,” but that there was no evidence that the organization was involved in paramilitary activity.The current crisis is the latest in a long line of disputes between Irish nationalists and pro-U.K. unionists in the devolved government that was set-up in Northern Ireland in the wake of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. That deal brought an end to the 30-year-long “Troubles” that cost more than 3,000 lives.The once quotidian violence is gone, but this remains a deeply divided society. Belfast is among the most segregated cities in the world. Across the city, rival union flags and Irish tricolors denote separate Protestant and Catholic neighborhoods.“People don’t hate each other, but Sinn Féin and the DUP hate each other” — Alex Kane, unionist political commentatorThe state of play in government is little different.Even before the McGuigan killing — believed to have been carried out in retaliation for the murder of another former IRA member in Belfast earlier this summer  — nationalists and unionists were at loggerheads over proposed welfare cuts for the population of just under two million mandated by the British government in Westminster. “The question is: When should you complain after 20 years that an absence of violence is not enough?” asks Byrne. “We should want more. We should aspire for more. This is not what we should settle for.”“Paramilitaries are still active in the community” — Phil Hamilton, community workerNorthern Irish politics is still dominated by many of the same actors that trod the boards during the Troubles. Peter Robinson was elected DUP deputy leader in 1980. Five U.K. prime ministers have held office since Gerry Adams became Sinn Féin president.“It feels like Cuba,” says Byrne. “Where is the opportunity for new thinking?”While old stagers dominate party politics, on the street tensions have ratcheted up.Alongside the union flags, paramilitary standards flutter in the breeze in many loyalist parts of Belfast. Illegal outfits such as the Ulster Defence Association and the Ulster Volunteer Force have been accused of recruiting new members. Earlier this summer a new loyalist terror group announced its presence. BELFAST — So far, 2015 has hardly been a vintage summer in Northern Ireland — and not just on account of the unseasonably cold weather. In recent weeks this small corner of the United Kingdom has witnessed clashes between police and pro-union marching bands, and ongoing attacks against security forces by Irish republicans opposed to the peace process. Now the murder of a former IRA man, ostensibly by his onetime comrades, threatens to collapse Northern Ireland’s power-sharing government.Northern Irish police have said that they believe members of the Provisional IRA were responsible for the killing of Kevin McGuigan in East Belfast earlier this month. The IRA was supposed to have “left the stage” 10 years ago when its weapons arsenal was decommissioned.Northern Irish First Minister and Democratic Unionist Party leader Peter Robinson says Sinn Féin, the political voice of Irish republicanism, must be excluded from the power-sharing government at Stormont if IRA involvement in the murder is proven. On August 26, the smaller Ulster Unionist party announced that they would be resigning from the Executive. Sinn Fein says reductions in welfare payments would hurt the most vulnerable. Both major unionist parties, the Democratic Unionists (DUP) and the Ulster Unionists, warn that failure to do a deal would leave a £600 million (€825 million) hole in the Belfast Parliament’s budget. Northern Ireland receives an annual subvention of around £12 billion (€16.5 billion) from the U.K. Exchequer.Earlier this summer, First Minister Robinson insisted that if no deal is struck on spending cuts he would ask the secretary of state to repatriate control of welfare policy back to Westminster. Such a move would probably lead to the collapse of Northern Ireland’s power-sharing administration — if it has not been toppled already by the aftershock of the McGuigan killing.And yet, Belfast does not feel like a city that could soon be without a government.Tourists throng the streets, despite the summer showers. The colorful rainbow flags festooned outside bars and clubs ahead of the recent gay pride festival attest to changing attitudes in the once puritan Northern Irish capital.“I walk around this town and people aren’t saying to me ‘the union is in danger.’ Nobody. People are more interested in jobs and health,” says Alex Kane, a unionist political commentator based in Belfast.“But there is a general sense of despondency with the assembly. People don’t hate each other, but Sinn Féin and the DUP hate each other.”last_img read more

Macron plunges head-first into labor reform

first_imgThe 39-year-old president wants to convince the main stakeholders — employers and workers — on the substance of the reform and the way he has chosen to go about it: an accelerated procedure that will shorten the lengthy parliamentary debates.Macron’s plan is to convince and divide.Employers eagerly anticipate what they consider long-overdue changes in the way working regulations are implemented in France, while most trade unions have warned they will oppose Macron’s plans just as they opposed similar reforms that his predecessor François Hollande tried to push through last year.Macron’s plan is to convince and divide. He wants to spare no time explaining that the aim of his reform — a wide decentralization of collective bargaining to individual company level — is to make French businesses, notably small and mid-size firms, more agile and adaptable so that they can create more jobs.If implemented, the reform would nudge labor relations in France closer to the German or Scandinavian model. Unions would have more latitude to strike deals on work time and pay within companies or even individual work sites. This would give firms more flexibility than the current system, which forces them to abide by sector-wide agreements that are difficult to adapt.The French leader will suggest to unions that he might be open to amendments and suggestions — but within limits, as Macron has always insisted he would implement his detailed presidential platform “without hesitation” and would not be “deterred by any obstacles.” Divide and reformMacron is counting on divisions within the labor movement. France’s most influential union, the CFDT, is an overall supporter of decentralizing labor relations. This reformist union would be ready to support Macron if the government is open to its suggestions. CFDT is up in arms, for example, about a planned cap on damages for workers deemed unfairly dismissed by the courts.A government adviser acknowledged that everything would be done to soothe CFDT’s concerns. “We have made sure we’ve kept some concessions in store for them,” he said.“It depends on what exceptions they add into the rule,” said one union leader who is generally favorable to reform, though he is still unsure about Macron’s real intentions.The concessions might not be granted on the reform Macron wants to see through this summer, but on others he plans for later this year regarding unemployment benefits and the management of the welfare system, another source said.France’s new prime minister, Edouard Philippe, insisted earlier this week that like any good reform, this one would be “well thought, well discussed and well executed.” But discussions, he added, would only aim at “enriching and explaining” the current plan.“Then, once the discussion has taken place, we must act fast,” he warned. PARIS — Emmanuel Macron on Tuesday got down to the nitty-gritty of running the country, with a marathon discussion on the reform on which he has staked his reputation: the labor market.The new French president had a meeting scheduled every hour from 9 a.m. to 7 p.m. with trade union chiefs and business leaders to show both his stamina and his determination to pass this reform as soon as possible — if, that is, he can count on a majority to discuss it after the June parliamentary elections.This is the reform Macron wants to pass first, and fast. It is also the one that, should he fail, would trip his presidency before the end of the year. Fast track“Fast” will mean, as Macron said in the campaign, using a procedure known as “ordinances” whereby the government can pass laws without a parliamentary debate. Union leaders have already warned they would consider this “undemocratic.” Ordinances “are totally unacceptable,” said Philippe Martinez, leader of the communist-dominated CGT union.Government aides noted, however, that ordinances can only be taken once parliament has voted to authorize the procedure and limit the scope and time-span for the government to act.Macron’s problem, however, is that opposition to his labor reform is not limited to the unions …“There will be a vote beforehand, and afterward because the ordinances must be ratified,” said one aide. “We just want to avoid the long amendment procedure, and back-and-forth between the two houses of parliament.”Macron’s problem, however, is that opposition to his labor reform is not limited to the unions that might stage the sort of demonstrations that helped derail most of Hollande’s plans last year.With the May presidential election and the parliamentary vote in June, France has been in campaign mode for more than nine months. Political passions are high, and both the far right and the far left — whose candidates Marine Le Pen and Jean-Luc Mélenchon together polled 41 percent of the votes in the first round of the presidential election — have threatened to send their sympathizers into the streets to derail Macron’s reform. Contrary to Hollande’s approach, Macron made it clear during the campaign what his intentions were and got a mandate to implement that platform. If his La République en Marche (LRM) wins a majority in parliament in two weeks’ time, he will use it as further proof that he is entitled to go ahead.Mélenchon, who is running for a seat in Marseille, returned to Paris this week to campaign for his party’s candidate running in the capital against Myriam El Khomri, who as Hollande’s labor minister steered his half-baked reform through parliament last year. LRM is not fielding a candidate against her — a sign that Macron thinks his former cabinet colleague’s efforts, however incomplete, went in the right direction.Macron’s tactical plan seems quite simple: clinch a deal with CFDT to ensure it remains at worst neutral, and face down possible demonstrations as the determined reformer whose policies are shaped by the ballot box, not by the street. Passing that crucial test would give him more assurance that he can push further on the reform path.Additional reporting by Nicholas Vinocur. Also On POLITICO Opinion Macron is bad news for Britain’s borders By Chris Murray Macron’s diplomatic brain By Nicholas Vinocurlast_img read more